Continuing with the Laghu-Siddhanta-Kaumudi, we next come upon the statement
Adarśanaṃ lopaḥ (1.1.60)
Non-appearance is (termed) lopaḥ
(Note: I have used the symbol ṃ to represent the anusvāra, the final nasal sound, as used by standard transliterations like Sharma’s. Likewise, ḥ is used to represent the visarga, the -ha sound which echoes the vowel immediately preceding; in previous posts I was using the simpler -h, leaving it to be understood that the –a sound was to be supplied the end).
As can be seen from the cross-reference, this is actually sutra 1.1.60 of Panini. We have already dealt with this: see Post 29 here: http://readingpanini.blogspot.com/2015/11/29-reducing-element-to-zero-lopa.html. There was quite a long discussion on fifferent types of lopa (what we may equate to ‘elision’). However, the Laghu does not refer to any of this discussion, but goes on directly to:
Tasya lopaḥ (1.3.9)
The paraphrase given in the Laghu is:
Tasyeto (tasya itaḥ, of that iT) lopaḥ (elision, deletion) syāt (let be). Ņādayo’ (Ņ ādayaḥ, of Ņ etc.) ‘ņādyarthāḥ (a-Ņ ādi arthāḥ, not-Ņ etc. is the meaning, purport).
Here we have the instance of a sutra from deeper in the Panini (1.3) being pulled up to the front in the Laghu. Looking at 1.3.9, we get the actual context in which the word tasya (of that) is used: it refers to a preceding sutra,
1.3.2 upadeśe’janunāsika it
Word parsing:
Upadeśe (in the initial statement, citation), aC (vowel) anunāsika (nasalized) it (iT, marker)
‘The nasalized vowel of an item in an original direction, upadeśa, is termed an iT’)
This feeds into the sutra 1.3.9:
Tasya lopaḥ (1.3.9)
‘There is disappearance of that which is termed iT’.
It has to be mentioned that the sequence is different in the full Siddhanta-kaumudi, as 1.3.2 is actually presented first. But proceeding with the Laghu, the lopaḥ or ‘deletion, disappearance’ is understood to be referring to those iT (what I have been calling ‘end-markers’) in the Siva-sutras or Pratyahara (see Page here http://readingpanini.blogspot.com/p/siva-sutra.html) which mark the end of each set of sounds. Thus the first set is of the short vowels
A I u Ņ
The final Ņ is the nasal sound, anunāsika, which is to be ignored, elided, as it is merely a marker, an iT. It has to be noted here that not all the iT are nasalised sunds; thus in the second pratyahara,
Ŗ ļ K
The marker is a guttaral K, not a nasal. We understand that all the end-markers are considered to be ‘disappeared’, not just the nasals.
The Laghu then cites
Ādirantyena sahetā (1.1.71)
We have already covered this in Post 32 here http://readingpanini.blogspot.com/2016/05/32-form-versus-meaning-what-terms.html
The word parsing is as follows:
Ādiḥ (‘initial’) antyena saha (‘with the final’) itā (iT)
This sutra was explained as follows: ‘An initial item joined with a final iT denotes not only itself but also all intervening items’. Obviously a significant component has been added to the terse statement. Thus aŅ refers to all the items from the initial a to the final Ņ (the iT marker), which is the set a i u. Similarly aC refers to all the sounds from a to the marker C in the third siva-sutra (basically, the vowels and diphthongs a I u ŗ ļ e o ai au). It does not include the end-markers, K, Ŋ, in the intervening siva-sutras, or the final end marker C. The name of all the consonants is similarly hL, and of all the sounds, aL, as we already saw in an early post (see Page on siva-sutras).
The Laghu then goes on to a set of sutras dealing with length and tone:
Laghu 9: ūkālo’jjhrasvadīrghaplutaḥ (Panini 1.2.27)
This is another illustration of the spin-offs of following the S-K: we are taken into deeper territory, but staying on the subject of terms (definitions). This sutra is parsed as follows:
Ū- (u, ū, and ū3) kālaḥ (duration) aC (‘a vowel’) hrasva (‘short’) dīrgha (‘long’) plutaḥ (‘extra-long, prolated’)
Paraphrase:
A vowel which has the duration of one mora (measure of time), two morae, and three morae is termed (respectively) hrasva (‘short’) dīrgha (‘long’) plutaḥ (‘extra-long, prolated’)
The Laghu does not go into more detail (although Sharma has a whole page of commentary). Panini follows this with
Panini 1.2.28 acaśca
Word parsing:
aCaḥ (‘in place of a vowel’) ca (‘and, also’)
Paraphrase: A replacement which is specified by hrasva (‘short’) dīrgha (‘long’) plutaḥ (‘extra-long, prolated’) should come in place of a vowel (aC).
The next three sutras define the three ‘tones’ (such as used especially in Vedic chanting):
Laghu 10: uccairudāttaḥ (Panini 1.2. 29)
uccaiḥ (‘with a high [pitch]’) udāttaḥ (‘udātta, high-pitched’) [and add by ellipsis, anuvŗtti: aC, ‘a vowel’]
“(A vowel) which is pronounced in a high (pitch) is termed udātta, ‘high-pitched’”
Laghu 11: nīcairanudāttaḥ (Panini 1.2. 30)
nīcaiḥ (‘with a low [pitch]’) anudāttaḥ (‘anudātta, low-pitched’) [and add by ellipsis, anuvŗtti: aC, ‘a vowel’]
“(A vowel) which is pronounced in a low (pitch) is termed anudātta, ‘low-pitched’”
Laghu 12: samāhāraḥ svaritaḥ (Panini 1.2. 31)
samāhāraḥ (‘a combination’) svaritaḥ (‘svarita’) [and add by ellipsis, anuvŗtti: aC, ‘a vowel’])
“(A vowel) which is pronounced in a combination (of high and low pitch) is termed svarita, ‘high-low-pitched’”
The term svarita connotes an articulation presenting svara, (musical) notes. If you listen to a recording of the Vedic chants (for example, Rigveda here https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xCQCSN38KYY). You can make out the two-note tone, actually low-high rather than high-low. It is clearest in the chanting of the actual Rig hymns, starting at 1:45 in the linked video (one of the clearer renderings I have found on the web).
Ballantyne’s translation denotes the accents as acute (high tone), grave (low tone), and circumflex (combination of high and low). In the Veda texts, they are indicated by an underline for low tone, and a small vertical line (like an apostrophe) for high (and svarita) tone.
After the tones, we have the two qualities of nasality and non-nasality:
Laghu 13: mukhanāsikāvacano’nunāsikaḥ (Panini 1.1.8)
Mukha- (‘mouth’) nāsikā- (‘nose’) vacanaḥ (‘speech’) anu-nāsikaḥ (‘through nose, nasal’)
This rule assigns the term anunāsika to nasalized speech or sounds. This multiplies by two the number of distinct sounds that can be distinguished from each of the vowels, over and above the three based on duration, the three based on tone; the total comes to 3x3x2=18 species for each of theses vowels (for example).
Then we come to certain statements about the sounds, which we have actually come across earlier:
Laghu 14: tulyāsyaprayatnaṃ savarṇaṃ (Panini 1.1.9)
We had this in Post No.6, here: http://readingpanini.blogspot.com/2011/01/6-sounds-of-colour-flock-together-in.html. This sutra defines savarṇaṃ, ‘homogeneous, of the same type’ as those sounds that are produced with similar place of articulation (tulyāsya) and effort (prayatnam). The S-K elaborates this at some length in Laghu 15. Thus, the throat (kaṇṭhaḥ) is specified as the place of articulation of the “guttural” sounds a, ā, k, kh, g, gh, ṅ (or ŋ, h, and the visarga ḥ (akuhavisarjanīyāni, neuter gender plural). The palate (tālu) is that of the “palatal” sounds I, ī, c, ch, j, jh, ñ, y and ś (icuyasāni); and so on. We can see here that adding the marker U to the unvoiced consonant in each series denotes all five (including the nasalized version): kU, cU, yU, pU etc.
Laghu 16 gives further technical terms (which are the pattern adopted in modern phonetics, as well). Effort (yatnah) is two-fold: within the mouth (with five sub-types touched, slightly touched, slightly open, open, and contracted), and “external as regards the mouth, belonging to the throat”.
It is in this context that the famous last, final aphorism of Panini is quoted (in the full length S-K para 11):
A a (Panini 8.4.68)
“An open (vivŗta) a is now classed as closed (saṃvŗta)” (Sharma).
Ballantyne (Laghu-S-K) explains as follows: “In actual use, the organ in the enunciation of short a is contracted; but it is considered to be open only, as in the case of the other vowels, when the vowel a is in the state of taking part in some operation of grammar. (The reason for this is, that if the short vowel a were held to differ from the long ā in this respect, the homogeneousness mentioned in No.14 would not be found to exist between them, and the operation of the rules depending upon that homogeneousness would be debarred. In order to restore the short a to its natural rights, thus infringed throughout the Ashtadhyayi, Panini with oracular brevity in his closing aphorism gives the injunction ‘a a’, which is interpreted to signify “Let short a be held to have its organ of utterance contracted, now that we have reashed the end of the work in which it was necessary to regard it as being otherwise” (Ballantyne, p.6).
That is, we process all the rules as if short a and long ā were versions of the same sound, the open variety. But in actual practice, we revert to the more closed short a in our pronunciation. (Only Hindustani singers are repeatedly cautioned not to lapse into the closed a when they do their alap!).
We remember that 1.1.9 was followed by 1.1.10
Panini 1.1.10 nājjhalau
Which is parsed as
Na (not) aC (vowels) haLau (and consonants, dual number) (and, by anuvŗtti, we add from 1.1.9: tulyāsyaprayatnaṃ savarṇaṃ)
“Sounds denoted by aC (vowels) are not termed savarņa (homogeneous) with sounds denoted by hL (consonant)” (Sharma).
Thus it is worth remembering these two sutras as a pair (they are often a question in examinations!).
Now we have another clarification:
Laghu 17: aņudit savarņasya cāpratyayaḥ (Panini 1.1.69)
We have already come across this one as well.
aņ (the pratyāhāra aŅ, that is the sounds from the first a up to the final marker or iT in siva-sutra 6, Ņ, comprising of a, I, u, ŗ, ḷ, e, o, ai, au, h, y, v, r, l), udit (ut- it) ca (and those marked by the marker U) savarņasya (of all the homogeneous ones) a-pratyayaḥ (not a pratyaya, affix).
The first part is straight-forward: a sound from any of the aŅ, denotes not only itself but all its savarņa sounds: in the case of a vowel, a, for instance, it includes the three variations by pitch or tone (low, high, combined), the two based on nasality or absence of nasality, and three variants by duration (short, long, extra-long), totaling to 18 variants. The second part refers to technical terms marked by the marker U: as mentioned above, kU refers to the four velar stops and velar nasal (k kh g gh ṅ). Here the variations are based on voicing, aspiration, nasality (but not duration or pitch, as there is no extended vowel sound).
The condition is that these items should themselves NOT “propounded as an affix or operative agent, but as something to be operated upon” (Ballantyne).
Two sutras which define contact:
Laghu 18: paraḥ saṃnikarṣaḥ saṃhitā (Panini 1.4.109)
“Maximum proximity between sounds is termed saṃhitā” (Sharma, Vol.2, p.312).
According to Sharma, the word paraḥ denotes ‘extremity’, which we can understand as ‘extreme’ closeness of touch (saṃnikarṣaḥ), interpreted by Sharma as “half a mora”. Example: between dadhi atra, a samhitā of half a mora exists, which enables other rules to be processed (6.1.77 iko yaṇ aci, giving dadhyatra ‘yogurt here’).
Laghu 19: halonantarāḥ saṃyogaḥ (Panini 1.41.7)
halaḥ (‘sequence of hL sounds, consonants’) an-antarāḥ (‘un-interrupted’) saṃyogaḥ (‘termed saṃyoga).
“A sequence of consonants (hL) uninterrupted by a vowel (aC) is termed saṃyogaḥ ‘cluster, conjuct’.” (Sharma)
The final sutra in this first section of the Laghu S-K is a new, but one which has been encountered in passing throughout Pada 1 of Adhyaya I:
Laghu 20: suptiṅantaṁ padam (Panini 1.4.14)
This introduces two very important species or terms: sup, or sUP, which denotes the forms of declined nouns (with all those case endings, rāmaḥ rāmau rāmāḥ, and so on); and tiṅ (or also transcribed as tiŋ, and pronounced somewhat like thing!), whuch is the inflected form of a verb. Now these terms can be thought of as made up of a representative ending, with an attached marker or iT: from the basic noun ending in masculine singular nominative, -aḥ or –as, with marker UP, we get sUP; from the basic verb ending in present tense, -ti, with marker Ṅ or Ŋ, we get the term tiṄ (or tiŊ). These terms stand for the endings; and the words in the sutra mean:
Sup-tiṅ-antaṁ (‘ending in sUP, noun endings, or tiŊ, verb endings’) padam (‘padam, word’)
“A form which terminates in sUP or tiŊ is termed pada” (Sharma).
Sharma has an extended discussiion why the term –antam had to be used in the sutra; otherwise, the sUP or tiŊ endings themselves would have got the nomenclature of pada, which is not the intention.
This brings us to the end of the first section of the Laghu. It may be noted that this has omitted a number of sutras that have been cited in the first section of the full S—K, culled from different places in the Ashtadhyayi: including our familiar friends 1.1.1 vŗddhir ādaiC, and 1.1.2 adeŊ guņaḥ. These will occur further on when the Laghu comes to discuss sound joins (sandhi) further ahead.
Adarśanaṃ lopaḥ (1.1.60)
Non-appearance is (termed) lopaḥ
(Note: I have used the symbol ṃ to represent the anusvāra, the final nasal sound, as used by standard transliterations like Sharma’s. Likewise, ḥ is used to represent the visarga, the -ha sound which echoes the vowel immediately preceding; in previous posts I was using the simpler -h, leaving it to be understood that the –a sound was to be supplied the end).
As can be seen from the cross-reference, this is actually sutra 1.1.60 of Panini. We have already dealt with this: see Post 29 here: http://readingpanini.blogspot.com/2015/11/29-reducing-element-to-zero-lopa.html. There was quite a long discussion on fifferent types of lopa (what we may equate to ‘elision’). However, the Laghu does not refer to any of this discussion, but goes on directly to:
Tasya lopaḥ (1.3.9)
The paraphrase given in the Laghu is:
Tasyeto (tasya itaḥ, of that iT) lopaḥ (elision, deletion) syāt (let be). Ņādayo’ (Ņ ādayaḥ, of Ņ etc.) ‘ņādyarthāḥ (a-Ņ ādi arthāḥ, not-Ņ etc. is the meaning, purport).
Here we have the instance of a sutra from deeper in the Panini (1.3) being pulled up to the front in the Laghu. Looking at 1.3.9, we get the actual context in which the word tasya (of that) is used: it refers to a preceding sutra,
1.3.2 upadeśe’janunāsika it
Word parsing:
Upadeśe (in the initial statement, citation), aC (vowel) anunāsika (nasalized) it (iT, marker)
‘The nasalized vowel of an item in an original direction, upadeśa, is termed an iT’)
This feeds into the sutra 1.3.9:
Tasya lopaḥ (1.3.9)
‘There is disappearance of that which is termed iT’.
It has to be mentioned that the sequence is different in the full Siddhanta-kaumudi, as 1.3.2 is actually presented first. But proceeding with the Laghu, the lopaḥ or ‘deletion, disappearance’ is understood to be referring to those iT (what I have been calling ‘end-markers’) in the Siva-sutras or Pratyahara (see Page here http://readingpanini.blogspot.com/p/siva-sutra.html) which mark the end of each set of sounds. Thus the first set is of the short vowels
A I u Ņ
The final Ņ is the nasal sound, anunāsika, which is to be ignored, elided, as it is merely a marker, an iT. It has to be noted here that not all the iT are nasalised sunds; thus in the second pratyahara,
Ŗ ļ K
The marker is a guttaral K, not a nasal. We understand that all the end-markers are considered to be ‘disappeared’, not just the nasals.
The Laghu then cites
Ādirantyena sahetā (1.1.71)
We have already covered this in Post 32 here http://readingpanini.blogspot.com/2016/05/32-form-versus-meaning-what-terms.html
The word parsing is as follows:
Ādiḥ (‘initial’) antyena saha (‘with the final’) itā (iT)
This sutra was explained as follows: ‘An initial item joined with a final iT denotes not only itself but also all intervening items’. Obviously a significant component has been added to the terse statement. Thus aŅ refers to all the items from the initial a to the final Ņ (the iT marker), which is the set a i u. Similarly aC refers to all the sounds from a to the marker C in the third siva-sutra (basically, the vowels and diphthongs a I u ŗ ļ e o ai au). It does not include the end-markers, K, Ŋ, in the intervening siva-sutras, or the final end marker C. The name of all the consonants is similarly hL, and of all the sounds, aL, as we already saw in an early post (see Page on siva-sutras).
The Laghu then goes on to a set of sutras dealing with length and tone:
Laghu 9: ūkālo’jjhrasvadīrghaplutaḥ (Panini 1.2.27)
This is another illustration of the spin-offs of following the S-K: we are taken into deeper territory, but staying on the subject of terms (definitions). This sutra is parsed as follows:
Ū- (u, ū, and ū3) kālaḥ (duration) aC (‘a vowel’) hrasva (‘short’) dīrgha (‘long’) plutaḥ (‘extra-long, prolated’)
Paraphrase:
A vowel which has the duration of one mora (measure of time), two morae, and three morae is termed (respectively) hrasva (‘short’) dīrgha (‘long’) plutaḥ (‘extra-long, prolated’)
The Laghu does not go into more detail (although Sharma has a whole page of commentary). Panini follows this with
Panini 1.2.28 acaśca
Word parsing:
aCaḥ (‘in place of a vowel’) ca (‘and, also’)
Paraphrase: A replacement which is specified by hrasva (‘short’) dīrgha (‘long’) plutaḥ (‘extra-long, prolated’) should come in place of a vowel (aC).
The next three sutras define the three ‘tones’ (such as used especially in Vedic chanting):
Laghu 10: uccairudāttaḥ (Panini 1.2. 29)
uccaiḥ (‘with a high [pitch]’) udāttaḥ (‘udātta, high-pitched’) [and add by ellipsis, anuvŗtti: aC, ‘a vowel’]
“(A vowel) which is pronounced in a high (pitch) is termed udātta, ‘high-pitched’”
Laghu 11: nīcairanudāttaḥ (Panini 1.2. 30)
nīcaiḥ (‘with a low [pitch]’) anudāttaḥ (‘anudātta, low-pitched’) [and add by ellipsis, anuvŗtti: aC, ‘a vowel’]
“(A vowel) which is pronounced in a low (pitch) is termed anudātta, ‘low-pitched’”
Laghu 12: samāhāraḥ svaritaḥ (Panini 1.2. 31)
samāhāraḥ (‘a combination’) svaritaḥ (‘svarita’) [and add by ellipsis, anuvŗtti: aC, ‘a vowel’])
“(A vowel) which is pronounced in a combination (of high and low pitch) is termed svarita, ‘high-low-pitched’”
The term svarita connotes an articulation presenting svara, (musical) notes. If you listen to a recording of the Vedic chants (for example, Rigveda here https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xCQCSN38KYY). You can make out the two-note tone, actually low-high rather than high-low. It is clearest in the chanting of the actual Rig hymns, starting at 1:45 in the linked video (one of the clearer renderings I have found on the web).
Ballantyne’s translation denotes the accents as acute (high tone), grave (low tone), and circumflex (combination of high and low). In the Veda texts, they are indicated by an underline for low tone, and a small vertical line (like an apostrophe) for high (and svarita) tone.
After the tones, we have the two qualities of nasality and non-nasality:
Laghu 13: mukhanāsikāvacano’nunāsikaḥ (Panini 1.1.8)
Mukha- (‘mouth’) nāsikā- (‘nose’) vacanaḥ (‘speech’) anu-nāsikaḥ (‘through nose, nasal’)
This rule assigns the term anunāsika to nasalized speech or sounds. This multiplies by two the number of distinct sounds that can be distinguished from each of the vowels, over and above the three based on duration, the three based on tone; the total comes to 3x3x2=18 species for each of theses vowels (for example).
Then we come to certain statements about the sounds, which we have actually come across earlier:
Laghu 14: tulyāsyaprayatnaṃ savarṇaṃ (Panini 1.1.9)
We had this in Post No.6, here: http://readingpanini.blogspot.com/2011/01/6-sounds-of-colour-flock-together-in.html. This sutra defines savarṇaṃ, ‘homogeneous, of the same type’ as those sounds that are produced with similar place of articulation (tulyāsya) and effort (prayatnam). The S-K elaborates this at some length in Laghu 15. Thus, the throat (kaṇṭhaḥ) is specified as the place of articulation of the “guttural” sounds a, ā, k, kh, g, gh, ṅ (or ŋ, h, and the visarga ḥ (akuhavisarjanīyāni, neuter gender plural). The palate (tālu) is that of the “palatal” sounds I, ī, c, ch, j, jh, ñ, y and ś (icuyasāni); and so on. We can see here that adding the marker U to the unvoiced consonant in each series denotes all five (including the nasalized version): kU, cU, yU, pU etc.
Laghu 16 gives further technical terms (which are the pattern adopted in modern phonetics, as well). Effort (yatnah) is two-fold: within the mouth (with five sub-types touched, slightly touched, slightly open, open, and contracted), and “external as regards the mouth, belonging to the throat”.
It is in this context that the famous last, final aphorism of Panini is quoted (in the full length S-K para 11):
A a (Panini 8.4.68)
“An open (vivŗta) a is now classed as closed (saṃvŗta)” (Sharma).
Ballantyne (Laghu-S-K) explains as follows: “In actual use, the organ in the enunciation of short a is contracted; but it is considered to be open only, as in the case of the other vowels, when the vowel a is in the state of taking part in some operation of grammar. (The reason for this is, that if the short vowel a were held to differ from the long ā in this respect, the homogeneousness mentioned in No.14 would not be found to exist between them, and the operation of the rules depending upon that homogeneousness would be debarred. In order to restore the short a to its natural rights, thus infringed throughout the Ashtadhyayi, Panini with oracular brevity in his closing aphorism gives the injunction ‘a a’, which is interpreted to signify “Let short a be held to have its organ of utterance contracted, now that we have reashed the end of the work in which it was necessary to regard it as being otherwise” (Ballantyne, p.6).
That is, we process all the rules as if short a and long ā were versions of the same sound, the open variety. But in actual practice, we revert to the more closed short a in our pronunciation. (Only Hindustani singers are repeatedly cautioned not to lapse into the closed a when they do their alap!).
We remember that 1.1.9 was followed by 1.1.10
Panini 1.1.10 nājjhalau
Which is parsed as
Na (not) aC (vowels) haLau (and consonants, dual number) (and, by anuvŗtti, we add from 1.1.9: tulyāsyaprayatnaṃ savarṇaṃ)
“Sounds denoted by aC (vowels) are not termed savarņa (homogeneous) with sounds denoted by hL (consonant)” (Sharma).
Thus it is worth remembering these two sutras as a pair (they are often a question in examinations!).
Now we have another clarification:
Laghu 17: aņudit savarņasya cāpratyayaḥ (Panini 1.1.69)
We have already come across this one as well.
aņ (the pratyāhāra aŅ, that is the sounds from the first a up to the final marker or iT in siva-sutra 6, Ņ, comprising of a, I, u, ŗ, ḷ, e, o, ai, au, h, y, v, r, l), udit (ut- it) ca (and those marked by the marker U) savarņasya (of all the homogeneous ones) a-pratyayaḥ (not a pratyaya, affix).
The first part is straight-forward: a sound from any of the aŅ, denotes not only itself but all its savarņa sounds: in the case of a vowel, a, for instance, it includes the three variations by pitch or tone (low, high, combined), the two based on nasality or absence of nasality, and three variants by duration (short, long, extra-long), totaling to 18 variants. The second part refers to technical terms marked by the marker U: as mentioned above, kU refers to the four velar stops and velar nasal (k kh g gh ṅ). Here the variations are based on voicing, aspiration, nasality (but not duration or pitch, as there is no extended vowel sound).
The condition is that these items should themselves NOT “propounded as an affix or operative agent, but as something to be operated upon” (Ballantyne).
Two sutras which define contact:
Laghu 18: paraḥ saṃnikarṣaḥ saṃhitā (Panini 1.4.109)
“Maximum proximity between sounds is termed saṃhitā” (Sharma, Vol.2, p.312).
According to Sharma, the word paraḥ denotes ‘extremity’, which we can understand as ‘extreme’ closeness of touch (saṃnikarṣaḥ), interpreted by Sharma as “half a mora”. Example: between dadhi atra, a samhitā of half a mora exists, which enables other rules to be processed (6.1.77 iko yaṇ aci, giving dadhyatra ‘yogurt here’).
Laghu 19: halonantarāḥ saṃyogaḥ (Panini 1.41.7)
halaḥ (‘sequence of hL sounds, consonants’) an-antarāḥ (‘un-interrupted’) saṃyogaḥ (‘termed saṃyoga).
“A sequence of consonants (hL) uninterrupted by a vowel (aC) is termed saṃyogaḥ ‘cluster, conjuct’.” (Sharma)
The final sutra in this first section of the Laghu S-K is a new, but one which has been encountered in passing throughout Pada 1 of Adhyaya I:
Laghu 20: suptiṅantaṁ padam (Panini 1.4.14)
This introduces two very important species or terms: sup, or sUP, which denotes the forms of declined nouns (with all those case endings, rāmaḥ rāmau rāmāḥ, and so on); and tiṅ (or also transcribed as tiŋ, and pronounced somewhat like thing!), whuch is the inflected form of a verb. Now these terms can be thought of as made up of a representative ending, with an attached marker or iT: from the basic noun ending in masculine singular nominative, -aḥ or –as, with marker UP, we get sUP; from the basic verb ending in present tense, -ti, with marker Ṅ or Ŋ, we get the term tiṄ (or tiŊ). These terms stand for the endings; and the words in the sutra mean:
Sup-tiṅ-antaṁ (‘ending in sUP, noun endings, or tiŊ, verb endings’) padam (‘padam, word’)
“A form which terminates in sUP or tiŊ is termed pada” (Sharma).
Sharma has an extended discussiion why the term –antam had to be used in the sutra; otherwise, the sUP or tiŊ endings themselves would have got the nomenclature of pada, which is not the intention.
This brings us to the end of the first section of the Laghu. It may be noted that this has omitted a number of sutras that have been cited in the first section of the full S—K, culled from different places in the Ashtadhyayi: including our familiar friends 1.1.1 vŗddhir ādaiC, and 1.1.2 adeŊ guņaḥ. These will occur further on when the Laghu comes to discuss sound joins (sandhi) further ahead.
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