Proceeding further with the Laghu S-K, we come to this seemingly connected sutra, which actually introduces a totally new concept:
Laghu 24. Anaci ca (Panini 8.4.47)
It looks connected because of the ca ‘and, also’, which makes it look like a continuation of a preceding chin of thought (calling for us to furnish the missing words from preceding sutras by anuvṛtti (ellipsis). We will be right in thinking so, but the preceding sutra from which the missing words need to be brought in, is not that in the Laghu, but that in the panini sutras:
Panini 8.4.46. aco rahābhyām dve
The words are:
Acah (genitive case, ‘of the vowels aC’) dve (‘two, reduplication’) rahābhyām (ablative case dual number, ‘from the r and h sounds’)
We may note here the use of the ablative case (rahābhyām) denotes something to be done to the right, i.e. to a following entity (Panini 1.1.67 tasmād ity uttarasya, see previous post here http://readingpanini.blogspot.com/2016/06/37-vowel-joining-ac-sandhi-i-section-2.html).
Even this, however, requires completion by bringing in words from previous sutras:
anuvṛtti: samhitāyām (from 8.2.108, ‘in samhitā = close proximity, contact) yarah (from 8.4.45, ‘of a sound denoted by yaR’), vā (‘optionally’).
The yaR sounds, as per the siva-sutras, comprise of all the consonants from the ya of siva-sutra 5, to the sa of no.13: it omits only the consonant ha. (R stands for the end-marker, so we do not stop at the ra of siva-sutra no.5 itself). The whole thing is rendered thusly by Sharma:
“A sound denoted by the abbreviatory term yaR, when occurring in close proximity after a vowel followed by r and h, is optionally replaced with two” (Sharma, Vol.VI, p.771).
In a nutshell, where a vowel followed by r or h, is again followed by any consonant (except h), it results (optionally) in duplication; but of what? The accepted interpretation is: of the consonant (except the h sound). Thus, we get (Sharma, ibid.)
Arkkah
Markkah
Brahmmā
Apahnnute
Having retraced this from the Panini, we can now get back to the Laghu:
Laghu 24. Anaci ca (Panini 8.4.47)
This sutra follows immediately upon 8.4.86 aco rahābhyām dve. Thus it is assumed to continue the idea of reduplication (dve).
An-aci (locative case, ‘in [the context of] a non-vowel’) ca (‘also’)
We have to supply the following by anuvṛtti (ellipsis): samhitāyām (from 8.2.108, ‘in samhitā = close proximity, contact) yarah (from 8.4.45, ‘of a sound denoted by yaR’), vā (‘optionally’), aco dve (from 46). The paraphrase (vṛtti) is as follows:
Acah uttarasya yaro dve bhavatah anaci paratah
“A sound denoted by yaR” [that is, all the consonants except h] “and occurring after one denoted by aC” [a vowel or diphthong] “is, optionally, replaced with two, even when aC does not follow” ((Sharma).
A consonant (except h) coming immediately after a vowel is reduplicated:
Daddhy atra ‘milk here’ [from dadhi atra]
Maddhv atra ‘honey here’ [from madhu atra]
We notice that in both these examples, the reduplicationn of the aspirated dh has resulted in the first being reduced to the unaspirated: -ddh- instead of –dhdh-. This is, actually, explicitly covered by a subsequent sutra:
Laghu 25: jhalām jaś jhaśi (Panini 8.4.53)
This beautifully alliterative aphorism says that:
jhalām (genitive case, ‘[in place] of jhaL = consonants in pratyahara jhaL from jha to ha ‘) jaŚ (‘sounds represented by pratyahara jaŚ = j, b, g, ḑ and d’) jhaśi (‘in [the presence of] the sounds represented by pratyahara jhaŚ’).
To correctly interpret the three words with their case endings, we have, of course, to recall the meta-rules for genitive case (sixth case) (ṣaṣṭhī sthāne yogā) and locative (seventh) case (tasminniti) already covered. Where a jhaŚ follows, a jhaL is replaced by a jaŚ. This implies that the first of a pair would be de-aspirated:
Labdha (not labhdha)
Dogdhā (not doghdhā
Boddha (not bodhdha)
This is obviously the result of a natural propensity in articulation (aspiration cannot be articulated without an intervening vowel sound, however tiny, between the two consonants), and also demonstrates the extremely close attention paid by the grammarians.
In the example given for a previous sutra:
sudhī (‘the intelligent’) upāsya (‘to be worshipped’) = sudhyupāsya (‘the intelligent fit to be worshipped, or God’.
We are now told that the we can optionally derive
Sudhdhyupāsya or suddhyupāsya
By the optional reduplication. Panini feels that this does not reflect the actual practice, so he provides the rule
Laghu 26. Samyogāntasya lopah (Panini 5.2.23)
Samyoga- (‘conjunction of consonants’) –antasya (genitive, ‘of its ending’) lopah (‘elision, deletion’)
The last element in a combination of consonants (without any inter-vocalic) is to be elided. The commentary interprets this as saying that the entire pada is to be deleted:
Laghu vŗtti: Samyogāntam yat padam tadantasya lopah syāt
Obviously this will a drastic, and counter-productive, culmination. (Actually, one does not see why the rule should be interpreted in such a drastic manner). In the example of
suddhyupāsya
the laghu feels that the “pada suddhy- ends with a compound consonant; hence, according to the rule, the whole padsa ought to disappear”. However, the grammarian provides the following rule to limit this action:
Laghu 27. Alo’ntyasya (Panini 1.1.52)
We have already come across this one (here: http://readingpanini.blogspot.com/2015/11/26-further-rules-on-substitution.html). This says that a substitution ordered for any letter aL (by showing it in the genitive case, aLah), only acts on the final letter (antya). Thus any elision in suddhy- will operate only on the –y-, which would presumably yield suddh-upāsya. But here “Katyayana interferes”, and states:
Lagu 28. Yaņah pratişedho vācyah
“The prohibition of the rule (No.26) in the case of yaŅ should be stated” (Ballantyne, p.11). So “the elision does not take place, and the formation of the word suddhyupāsya (a name of God – ‘He who is to be worshipped by the intelligent’) is completed” (ibid).
In broad terms, we see that the S-K (and more so the Laghu) does not always provide all the links in the logical chains. We may have to bring in additional material from the full version. In this context, the S-K or Laghu S-K may be thought of more as an aid to memory, by citing key formulas. These are like triggers to bring up the fuller logical trains from the Astadhyayi.
Laghu 24. Anaci ca (Panini 8.4.47)
It looks connected because of the ca ‘and, also’, which makes it look like a continuation of a preceding chin of thought (calling for us to furnish the missing words from preceding sutras by anuvṛtti (ellipsis). We will be right in thinking so, but the preceding sutra from which the missing words need to be brought in, is not that in the Laghu, but that in the panini sutras:
Panini 8.4.46. aco rahābhyām dve
The words are:
Acah (genitive case, ‘of the vowels aC’) dve (‘two, reduplication’) rahābhyām (ablative case dual number, ‘from the r and h sounds’)
We may note here the use of the ablative case (rahābhyām) denotes something to be done to the right, i.e. to a following entity (Panini 1.1.67 tasmād ity uttarasya, see previous post here http://readingpanini.blogspot.com/2016/06/37-vowel-joining-ac-sandhi-i-section-2.html).
Even this, however, requires completion by bringing in words from previous sutras:
anuvṛtti: samhitāyām (from 8.2.108, ‘in samhitā = close proximity, contact) yarah (from 8.4.45, ‘of a sound denoted by yaR’), vā (‘optionally’).
The yaR sounds, as per the siva-sutras, comprise of all the consonants from the ya of siva-sutra 5, to the sa of no.13: it omits only the consonant ha. (R stands for the end-marker, so we do not stop at the ra of siva-sutra no.5 itself). The whole thing is rendered thusly by Sharma:
“A sound denoted by the abbreviatory term yaR, when occurring in close proximity after a vowel followed by r and h, is optionally replaced with two” (Sharma, Vol.VI, p.771).
In a nutshell, where a vowel followed by r or h, is again followed by any consonant (except h), it results (optionally) in duplication; but of what? The accepted interpretation is: of the consonant (except the h sound). Thus, we get (Sharma, ibid.)
Arkkah
Markkah
Brahmmā
Apahnnute
Having retraced this from the Panini, we can now get back to the Laghu:
Laghu 24. Anaci ca (Panini 8.4.47)
This sutra follows immediately upon 8.4.86 aco rahābhyām dve. Thus it is assumed to continue the idea of reduplication (dve).
An-aci (locative case, ‘in [the context of] a non-vowel’) ca (‘also’)
We have to supply the following by anuvṛtti (ellipsis): samhitāyām (from 8.2.108, ‘in samhitā = close proximity, contact) yarah (from 8.4.45, ‘of a sound denoted by yaR’), vā (‘optionally’), aco dve (from 46). The paraphrase (vṛtti) is as follows:
Acah uttarasya yaro dve bhavatah anaci paratah
“A sound denoted by yaR” [that is, all the consonants except h] “and occurring after one denoted by aC” [a vowel or diphthong] “is, optionally, replaced with two, even when aC does not follow” ((Sharma).
A consonant (except h) coming immediately after a vowel is reduplicated:
Daddhy atra ‘milk here’ [from dadhi atra]
Maddhv atra ‘honey here’ [from madhu atra]
We notice that in both these examples, the reduplicationn of the aspirated dh has resulted in the first being reduced to the unaspirated: -ddh- instead of –dhdh-. This is, actually, explicitly covered by a subsequent sutra:
Laghu 25: jhalām jaś jhaśi (Panini 8.4.53)
This beautifully alliterative aphorism says that:
jhalām (genitive case, ‘[in place] of jhaL = consonants in pratyahara jhaL from jha to ha ‘) jaŚ (‘sounds represented by pratyahara jaŚ = j, b, g, ḑ and d’) jhaśi (‘in [the presence of] the sounds represented by pratyahara jhaŚ’).
To correctly interpret the three words with their case endings, we have, of course, to recall the meta-rules for genitive case (sixth case) (ṣaṣṭhī sthāne yogā) and locative (seventh) case (tasminniti) already covered. Where a jhaŚ follows, a jhaL is replaced by a jaŚ. This implies that the first of a pair would be de-aspirated:
Labdha (not labhdha)
Dogdhā (not doghdhā
Boddha (not bodhdha)
This is obviously the result of a natural propensity in articulation (aspiration cannot be articulated without an intervening vowel sound, however tiny, between the two consonants), and also demonstrates the extremely close attention paid by the grammarians.
In the example given for a previous sutra:
sudhī (‘the intelligent’) upāsya (‘to be worshipped’) = sudhyupāsya (‘the intelligent fit to be worshipped, or God’.
We are now told that the we can optionally derive
Sudhdhyupāsya or suddhyupāsya
By the optional reduplication. Panini feels that this does not reflect the actual practice, so he provides the rule
Laghu 26. Samyogāntasya lopah (Panini 5.2.23)
Samyoga- (‘conjunction of consonants’) –antasya (genitive, ‘of its ending’) lopah (‘elision, deletion’)
The last element in a combination of consonants (without any inter-vocalic) is to be elided. The commentary interprets this as saying that the entire pada is to be deleted:
Laghu vŗtti: Samyogāntam yat padam tadantasya lopah syāt
Obviously this will a drastic, and counter-productive, culmination. (Actually, one does not see why the rule should be interpreted in such a drastic manner). In the example of
suddhyupāsya
the laghu feels that the “pada suddhy- ends with a compound consonant; hence, according to the rule, the whole padsa ought to disappear”. However, the grammarian provides the following rule to limit this action:
Laghu 27. Alo’ntyasya (Panini 1.1.52)
We have already come across this one (here: http://readingpanini.blogspot.com/2015/11/26-further-rules-on-substitution.html). This says that a substitution ordered for any letter aL (by showing it in the genitive case, aLah), only acts on the final letter (antya). Thus any elision in suddhy- will operate only on the –y-, which would presumably yield suddh-upāsya. But here “Katyayana interferes”, and states:
Lagu 28. Yaņah pratişedho vācyah
“The prohibition of the rule (No.26) in the case of yaŅ should be stated” (Ballantyne, p.11). So “the elision does not take place, and the formation of the word suddhyupāsya (a name of God – ‘He who is to be worshipped by the intelligent’) is completed” (ibid).
In broad terms, we see that the S-K (and more so the Laghu) does not always provide all the links in the logical chains. We may have to bring in additional material from the full version. In this context, the S-K or Laghu S-K may be thought of more as an aid to memory, by citing key formulas. These are like triggers to bring up the fuller logical trains from the Astadhyayi.
No comments:
Post a Comment