I have added a Page on Courses, click on Tab above. This is information on Distance Learning or Open University courses, mainly for an MA in Sanskrit, collected a few years back so may be somewhat dated. But it may give an idea of what's available, so please treat it as just a starting point for your own exploration! I did my MA in Linguistics from Annamalai University (Correspondence course); the study notes were nothing to write home about (sad, when you learn Subramanya Sastri's lectures on the Mahabhashya were written from this university!) (See Resources page). Tamilnadu universities do not seem to have MA Sanskrit in their list (though they have French, Arabic, etc.!)..
A first attempt to read the great Sanskrit grammarian, Panini, of the first millennium BC
Thursday, December 25, 2014
Wednesday, December 24, 2014
12. Aids to understanding Panini’s sutras – Vŗtti, vārttika and bhāshya
Given that the sutras of Panini are so
terse and expressed in a sort of code language, naturally aids to understanding
have always been created, and used almost as an integral part of the treatise.
We take a look at some of the most prominent here.
First of all, each sutra is followed by a
restatement (a paraphrase, according to Rama Nath Sharma on page 17 of the
chapter “Panini and the Paniniyas”, in his Volume I, see Resources page). This
paraphrase is termed a vŗtti, which as
we saw in the last post, means the state of reality or what exists. It was a
part of the term anuvŗtti, which we understood as carrying over or recurrence
(Sharma’s equivalent) of words or contexts from the head sutra in a section of
the sutras that deal with a line of thought, almost as if a statement were
being broken down into sub-statements. The Vŗtti re-states each sutra, giving
the missing links, explicitly stating the understood words to be supplied from
other sutras (such as those carried forward by anuvŗtti), and also laying out
the case and number of each word. As we saw, Panini uses each case in a
specific sense: a saptami, or seventh case, for example, which is the locative
in normal language, is used as a condition, an ‘if-then’ clause (in the
circumstances that something is so-and-so), the sixth case (possessive)
indicates what is being acted upon, e.g. in substitutions. The Vŗtti analyses
and expands each of the words in the sutra, thereby telling us what role each
plays.
Taking our last example again, we start
with
1.1.11 īdūdeddvivacanam pragŗhyam
The two entities are parsed for their case
ending and number, thus:
īdūdeddvivacanam 1/1, pragŗhyam 1/1
which indicates that both are in nominative
case (first case) and singular number. Next would follow the anuvŗtti, or
carried-over words from previous sutras, except that for this particular sutra,
there aren’t any, as it is the head sutra in this domain (the adhikāra-sūtra). For
the next sutra, we will see the anuvŗtti in brackets. After this comes the
vŗtti or paraphrase, supplying all those little bits and pieces that break up
the joined words (sandhi) into the individual parts, explicitly state the
relationship between the words, and restate the sutra in plainer terms:
īt
ūt et ity evam antam dvivacanam
śabdarūpam pragŗhya samjñam bhavati
This is the Sanskrit version of the
paraphrase we gave in English: a word
form (śabdarūpam) having an ending (antam) in long vowels īt ūt et and having
dual number (dvivacanam) is (bhavati) a pragŗhya word. Of course, this sutra
does not exactly explain what pragŗhya words do; it merely starts the list of
examples of such a species.
The vŗtti is thus itself a concise
paraphrase of the sutra, and obviously may need further elaboration with
examples. That is provided by another type of instructional aid, called the
vāŗttika (again a derivative of the same word: vāŗttā means ‘news’). The
vāŗttika in turn is expanded and expounded upon by a bhāşya, or commentary.
Sharma says (Vol.I, p.17) that “the relationship between a sūtra and its vŗtti
is very similar to that between a vāŗttika and a bhāşya". We will see examples of the latter two types
of commentary in a later post.
Before leaving this discussion, let us see
the vŗtti for the next sutra, which requires anuvŗtti as well to supply the
words understood from the head sutra:
1.1.12 adaso māt
The words are separated out thus in Sharma's treatment: adasah
6/1, māt 5/1 , which indicates that the first is in sixth case (possessive, of), singular number, and
the second is in fifth case (ablative, from), singular. The next element in the
exposition is the anuvŗtti, which supplies the carried-forward complement from
the previous sutra to complete the thought:
(īdūdet pragŗhyam #11),
the #11 showing it is from sutra 11 of the
same quarter (pāda) and chapter (adhyāya). Finally, the vŗtti, which fleshes
out the idea in a fuller sentence:
Adasah sambandhī yo makāras tasmāt para
īdūdetah pragŗhya samjña bhavanti
Which means “(long vowels) ī, ū, and e
which follow the m of adas ‘that’ are termed pragŗhya”.
The rest of the sutras follow a similar
pattern, and we have already seen the word division, the carry-forward of terms
(anuvŗtti ) and paraphrase (vŗtti) and our own home-spun explanations in common
English in the previous posts. So where do we (or Rama Nath Sharma, or
Srisa Chandra Vasu) get these vŗtti and vāŗttika for the sutras? The vŗtti are
mainly those provided in a work called the Kāśikāvŗtti, attributed to the duo
Vāmana-Jayāditya of the city of Kāśi
(Banares) in the 7th century AD. The vāŗttika are in main attributed
to the great Kātyāyana of the 3rd century BC, and Rama Nath Sharma
estimates (Sharma, Vol.I, p.6) that some 1250 of them (or around one-third of
the sutras of the Ashtādhyāyi) have been quoted by the (even greater) sage and
grammarian Patañjali in his Mahābhāshya or Great Commentary (2nd century
BC), the authoritative work on the Ashtādhyāyi and much else besides in
philosophy, logic etc. Indeed these three, Panini, Katyayana and Patanjali,
are the “three sages” or “muni-trayah” of the linguistic heritage of Sanskrit.
Sharma categorically states that “Pāņini cannot be understood without the help of the commentaries, most notable among which is the Mahābhāşya” (Sharma, Vol.I, p.xi). The vŗtti merely exposes the sutra without critical comment; the vārttika takes up critical analysis where warranted. Sharma feels that the vŗtti should have preceded the vārttika, and quotes Yudhisthira Mimamsaka to the effect that Panini probably provided his own vŗtti in the Ashtadhyayi itself (or, at least, provided explanations similar to a vŗtti), but the only extant full-length vŗtti, the Kāśikā, is of a fairly late date (Sharma, Vol.I, p.17). Looking at the length and depth of the Mahabhashya, it would not be unfair to say that the bare explanations attempted in the vŗtti or even vārttika are like the tip of an iceberg, the major portion of which is buried in the Mahabhashya. It is also interesting to speculate that the Ashtadhyayi probably did not have the status of a ‘received’ scripture, or shruti, since it was frequently criticised and corrected by later scholars, and since it explicitly recognized the changes between Vedic and later forms of the language.
There is another variant of the Ashtādhyāyi and commentary, the Siddhānta-Kaumudi of Bhattoji Dikshita, whose "eye for meticulous detail and interpretation" makes the work "the standard text for studying Pāņini" according to Sharma (Vol.I, p.26).
Links:
Sharma categorically states that “Pāņini cannot be understood without the help of the commentaries, most notable among which is the Mahābhāşya” (Sharma, Vol.I, p.xi). The vŗtti merely exposes the sutra without critical comment; the vārttika takes up critical analysis where warranted. Sharma feels that the vŗtti should have preceded the vārttika, and quotes Yudhisthira Mimamsaka to the effect that Panini probably provided his own vŗtti in the Ashtadhyayi itself (or, at least, provided explanations similar to a vŗtti), but the only extant full-length vŗtti, the Kāśikā, is of a fairly late date (Sharma, Vol.I, p.17). Looking at the length and depth of the Mahabhashya, it would not be unfair to say that the bare explanations attempted in the vŗtti or even vārttika are like the tip of an iceberg, the major portion of which is buried in the Mahabhashya. It is also interesting to speculate that the Ashtadhyayi probably did not have the status of a ‘received’ scripture, or shruti, since it was frequently criticised and corrected by later scholars, and since it explicitly recognized the changes between Vedic and later forms of the language.
There is another variant of the Ashtādhyāyi and commentary, the Siddhānta-Kaumudi of Bhattoji Dikshita, whose "eye for meticulous detail and interpretation" makes the work "the standard text for studying Pāņini" according to Sharma (Vol.I, p.26).
Links:
Vasu’s
Ashtadhyayi can be downloaded here (comes in 8 files):
There is a
series of lectures on the Mahabhashya by Subrahmanya Sastri of the Annamalai University , volumes 1 to 6 of which are
available for download:
https://archive.org/details/LecturesOnPatanjalisVyakaranaMahabhashya1
https://archive.org/details/LecturesOnPatanjalisVyakaranaMahabhashya2
https://archive.org/details/LecturesOnPatanjalisVyakaranaMahabhashya3
https://archive.org/details/LecturesOnPatanjalisVyakaranaMahabhashya4
https://archive.org/details/LecturesOnPatanjalisVyakaranaMahabhashya5
https://archive.org/details/LecturesOnPatanjalisVyakaranaMahabhashya6
The later volumes of Sastri's Lectures (there are 8 more) up to Volume XI have been
republished by the Kuppuswami Sastri Research Institute, 84, Thiru Vi. Ka.
Road, Mylapore, Chennai-600004, www.ksrisanskrit.in
(Phone +9144 2498 5320), well worth the trouble of getting these rare books. One
hopes they will put them out on the web!
archive.org has other interesting works for download, e.g.
https://archive.org/details/Siddhanta_Kaumudi_English_Translation-SC_Vasu
https://archive.org/details/TheAshtadhyayiOfPanini-RamNathSharma
Monday, December 22, 2014
11. Carrying a direction (anuvŗtti) over a span of sutras: anuvrtti
The span of sutras 1.1.11 to 1.1.19 (see
posts 7, 8, 9) is an illustration of the way a new concept or idea or
proposition is introduced, and made implicit in a series of successive sutras,
sometimes in a nested manner. Thus, 1.1.11 (see post 7) introduced a species called
pragŗhyam (unaltered in sandhi, held in check), by presenting one category of
it: dual words ending in long vowels īT ūT eT. The next sutra, 1.1.12 (see post 8), presents
another variety of it, expressed concisely by the phrase adaso māt, but we have
to supply the word pragŗhyam to complete the idea. This is a
carrying forward of a concept from the starting sutra of a chain, to the
subsequent sutras which make sense only when the carried-forward word or phrase
is supplied in our mind. This carry-forward is termed anuvŗtti.
I like to make some worldly sense out of
these technical terms in Sanskrit grammar, because that may fix the meaning of
these mysterious words better in our mind. After all, the grammarians of old
must have chosen these technical names with some idea of the nature of the function
or character of the species described. For denoting the function of carrying
forward of a term from earlier to following sutras, why didn’t they choose some
other, descriptive word like ‘cup-bearer’ or ‘chariot-driver’ or ‘repeating
performance’ or something like that? The word anuvŗtti must, after all, mean something connected to the concept.
The word vŗtti is explained in the vocabulary given at the
back of Michael Coulson’s Teach Yourself
Sanskrit in the following terms:
vŗtti
f. behaviour, conduct; (grammar) synthetic expression (i.e.
by cpds.).
A host of words are related to the root
vŗt (I vartate) proceed,
currently exist, abide, happen; (of promises,
etc.) be entered upon.
Guna (first augmentation or lengthening of
the ŗ short vowel) gives vart, which leads to the verb forms of ‘to be’, as
well as the sense of ‘turning’ (as in English revert). The famous text on
horse-whispering in the Mitanni court used obviously Indo-Aryan or Sanskrit
terms to denote the circuits of the training ground by the animals: eka-vartana,
panca-vartana, and so on. The second augmentation or vŗddhi gives vārt, from
which we have vārtta, news, a reflection of what exists, vartate.
The particle anu- denotes movement towards,
or following, or a partiality to, something; it gives a benign and meliorative
colour to the following word. So anu-vŗtti would denote something like
‘following (some preceding element) in character’, and in fact Coulson’s
vocabulary does have a specific entry for the verb:
anuvŗt
anu+vŗt (I anuvartate) go after, attend upon
and anuvŗtti would be the character or
nature of following upon (a preceding element). Indeed my supplying the last
phrase (within brackets) itself is a faint echo and an illustration of
anuvŗtti! Rama Nath Sharma gives it the label recurrence (chapter 4 of volume I of his treatise, see the Resources page on tabs above). A last thought on the meaning of the word anuvŗtti would be to think
of it as an ‘enveloping’ statement (the echo of the sounds n and v may help
relate the Sanskrit term and the meaning in English!).
The starting sutra or rule 1.1.11 is termed
the adhikāra-sūtra (directing sutra). We carry forward the terms īT ūT eT pragŗhyam as an anuvŗtti to the
second sutra in this block or domain, 1.1.12 adaso māt, supplying the
complement pragŗhyam, thus īT ūT eT adaso
māt pragŗhyam (but not the term dvivacanam or dual number from the head sutra,
which we may sense from the fact that forms of adas with the stem ending –m-
are not necessarily dual). This implies that we may have to choose the exact
words to carry forward in anuvŗtti from the sense of the successive sutras and
how the ideas are being built up. This
is also noticeable in sutra 1.1.13, śe (see post 8), where carry-forward (anuvŗtti) supplies
only the term pragŗhyam. Similar is the case in 1.1.14 nipāta ekāc anāŋ, where
we supply only the term pragŗhyam to complete the thought: there is no intent
to carry forward īT ūT eT (long vowel ending) or dvivacanam (dual number) as
conditions for a particle (nipāta) to be pragŗhyam (unaltered in sandhi), as
long as the particle is not a meaningful āŋ (see Post 9!).
A related phenomenon is the nesting of rules by successive anuvŗtti
in what computer programmers may call an indented arrangement. In sutra 1.1.15
is provided the single word ot, to which we have to add, by anuvŗtti, the terms nipāta (particle) from
1.1.14, as well as of course pragŗhyam from the first in the series or domain
of the head rule or adhikāra-sūtra (directing sutra). Sutra 1.1.16 carries ot
from 1.1.15 and the original pragŗhyam, but not nipāta from 1.1.14. Sutra
1.1.17 and 1.1.19 carry the terms śakalyasya anārşe from 1.1.16, meaning
‘according to Sakalya in non-Vedic’ (interesting word, applying vrddhi to ŗşi,
sage, with a negative prefix, an-), but not nipāta from 1.1.14 or ot from
1.1.15. Sutra 1.1.19, the last in this
domain, carries the term pragŗhyam from the head of the series, but not śakalyasya
anārşe from 1.1.16, or ot from 1.1.15,
or nipāta from 1.1.14. There does not seem to be any clear instruction about
this, and thus it appears that a certain amount of prior knowledge may have to
brought into play to decide which terms are to be carried forward by anuvŗtti
for each given sutra in a domain or sub-domain.
Monday, December 15, 2014
10. Published editions of Panini's Ashtadhyayi
I find the best detailed exposition to be
the 5-volume work of Rama Nath Sharma, The Ashtadhyayi of Panini (without the
diacritical marks, which unusually are incorporated in the printed title, no
doubt a cataloguer’s nightmare!), published in 1987 (first edition) and revised
and enlarged (second edition) in 2002, by Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers, New
Delhi (see it on Google Books). Of course, being a detailed exposition in five volumes, it is
for a serious pursuer of the subject! Volume 1 is a long (200-page) essay,
covering such historical and biographical information as exists, then the
various texts, commentaries and elucidations, both traditional and modern,
theoretical considerations, various technical topics, and so on. Copious
indexes, bibliographies, glossaries, etc. accompany the text. The sutras are
given in both the Sanskrit type (Devanagari) as well as English
transliteration.
Another well-known (and the earliest)
modern translation is Srisa Chandra
Vasu’s Ashtadhyayi of Panini in 2 volumes (again, given here without the
diacrictical marks that are very much there on the title page of the book!), originally
published in 1891, and reprinted and published by Motilal Banarsidass
Publishers, Delhi from 1962 (the copy I have seen is the 2009 reprint). According
to Rama Nath Sharma, Vasu was the “only
English translation” of the Ashtadhyayi before his own work. He finds
Vasu generally “trustworthy”, but is concerned that Vasu “takes a great deal
for granted”, “omits glosses”, “misses explanatory details of terms and
principles”, has a “pedantic style” of “archaic English”, and so on. My own
feeling is that Vasu may be good for a first reading, whereas Sharma really
goes into the details and has very subtle chains of reasoning, and may probably
address the natural doubts of the learner better. Vasu is let down, I feel, by
the fuzziness of its Devanagari typeface, which (at least for my bleary old
eyes!) calls for the magnifying glass most of the time! Vasu’s
Ashtadhyayi can be downloaded here (comes in 8 files):
I also happen to own an interesting Hindi
translation Ashtadhyayi-Bhashya-Prathamavrtti
in three volumes by Pandit Brahmdatta Jijnasu published by Ramlal Kapur Trust, Sonipath (Haryana), which Rama Nath
Sharma also refers to (not disapprovingly!). The interesting thing about
having translations in different languages is that they sometimes tell us the
different ways in which the same
technical terms or ideas can be interpreted and made less mysterious to
us. I haven’t yet (December 2014) studied Jijnasu, but I did look up his
translation of the term pragrhyam in sutra 1.1.11 (see Post 07); he also
translates it as - pragrhyam, which does
not throw light on the common meaning of the term!
Friday, December 12, 2014
9. Wrapping up the vowel terminations (pragŗhyam) that block sandhi changes
We are looking at the series of sutras starting from 1.1.11,
which give the different circumstances under which word-ending long vowels īT
ūT eT (long ī, long ū, and long e) are
left unmodified by the normal sandhi rules (given elsewhere in Panini), in
which case they are termed pragŗhyam (which I fancifully translate as
“constrained”). We saw the following conditions so far: sutra 1.1.11 says that
a dual form (could be a verb or noun) ending
in the long vowel will not take part in sandhi, i.e. will be pragŗhyam;
next, in 1.1.12, we were told that forms of adas “that” having endings –m+long
vowel would be pragŗhyam; and in 1.1.13, certain Vedic pronoun forms ending in
e like asme, yuşme, are also pragŗhyam, i.e. they are not combined with
following vowels under usual sandhi rules (which introduce a y sound for an i, or v sound in place of u, but that is a different sutra, 6.1.77 iko yaņ aci which
we will keep for later).
Now the next three sutras give some more contexts in which a
terminal long vowel (īdūded or rather, īdūdet if we quote the string without
sandhi modification of the final sound) is pragŗhyam, constrained. These are
given below and discussed briefly:
1.1.14 nipāta ekāc anāŋ (the symbol ŋ stands in for the ng
sound)
This is interesting both for the principle it establishes,
and for the brevity of the terminology. The import is straightforward: a
particle (nipāta) of one (eka) vowel (aC, which we know from our Siva-sutras,
see Page above) except (an-) the long ā (āŋ or āŊ to show the second letter is
a nonsense marker, an iT). We supply the predicate to complete the idea, which
is pragŗhyam, constrained, i.e. does not get modified by sandhi.
Terms like ekāc and anāŋ are delectable, as they express a whole phrase (except for…, which is not…) by such a concise formulation. Examples given with i, u, e denote the single vowel (ekāc) as exclamations, like ‘O adversity’ which would not be pronounced as ‘Ovadversity’ with sandhi: a apehi “hey, stay away”. But there is a complication about the particle ā; in some cases it is still a pragŗhyam, in apparent disregard of the sutra, and will remain unmodified. In such cases it is not technically āŋ, and therefore behaves like any other single vowel ekāc. So what are these mysterious anāŋ (not- āŋ) that buck the rule? They are used like a preposition meaning “a little” or a pre-verb meaning “up to” rather than being just an exclamation or a sigh: ā uşņam = oşņam, a little hot. Not a pragŗhyam!
Terms like ekāc and anāŋ are delectable, as they express a whole phrase (except for…, which is not…) by such a concise formulation. Examples given with i, u, e denote the single vowel (ekāc) as exclamations, like ‘O adversity’ which would not be pronounced as ‘Ovadversity’ with sandhi: a apehi “hey, stay away”. But there is a complication about the particle ā; in some cases it is still a pragŗhyam, in apparent disregard of the sutra, and will remain unmodified. In such cases it is not technically āŋ, and therefore behaves like any other single vowel ekāc. So what are these mysterious anāŋ (not- āŋ) that buck the rule? They are used like a preposition meaning “a little” or a pre-verb meaning “up to” rather than being just an exclamation or a sigh: ā uşņam = oşņam, a little hot. Not a pragŗhyam!
The next sutra
1.1.15 ot
assigns pragŗhyam character to a particle (nipāta, supplied
from the preceding sutra) ending in the long vowel o: āho iti
“emphatic interrogative particle”, āho atra “what now!”. The particle need not
be of one syllable (ekāc).
The next three sutras refer to forms of vocative
case (hailing, calling someone) ending in o (carried from the previous sutra),
or ending in u, or in a nasalized ū (we don’t have a simple symbol for this),
before a “non-Vedic” iti. These are special cases which need not detain us here,
but they do say something about how closely the sage has observed the spoken
tongue.
The next sutra, and the final one in this span of sutras on
the contexts of pragŗhyam (constrained
endings) is a little more interesting:
1.1. 19 īdūtau ca saptamyarthe
Here is our old friend īT, now attached to the companion ūT,
and the compound word put in nominative case, dual number (1/2), hence meaning
“the two vowels long ī and (ca) long ū”. What of them? When they are word
endings in the seventh (saptami) case meaning (arthe), i.e. in the locative
case, they will be pragŗhyam
(constrained endings), i.e. they will not be modified as per sandhi rules when
another vowel follows (as has happened to the short i in saptami+arthe=
saptamyarthe in the sutra!).
The span of sutras 1.1.11 to 1.1.19 displays many
characteristics of Panini’s styles and conventions: the coining of compact
words to denote conditions (e.g. ekāc, anāŋ) taking advantage of the ground
already laid by his intelligent (crafty!) grouping of letters and giving them
range names by interposing iT markers (ekāC, anāŊ); the carrying over of words
from previous sutras by implication, and which have to be supplied mentally by
the reader; the inter-relation between sutras in different parts of the
treatise; and so on. Above all, is the overwhelming austerity of thought and
expression: almost as if the man wished to be ever ready to go to his Maker, so
sparse was his verbal baggage. But this very austerity of expression meant that
various aids were required to keep Panini’s thought alive: we shall touch on
these in the next post.
(A question to explore: in the term anāŋ, we understand āŋ to stand for the sound ā alone; what determines the choice of the terminal iT, is it random, or does the choice of ŋ (Ŋ) rather than say t (T) signify something technical?)
(A question to explore: in the term anāŋ, we understand āŋ to stand for the sound ā alone; what determines the choice of the terminal iT, is it random, or does the choice of ŋ (Ŋ) rather than say t (T) signify something technical?)
Thursday, December 11, 2014
8. Further cases of pragŗhyam, blocking sandhi changes to long vowels
We are grappling with the series of sutras starting with
1.1.11,
1.1.11
īdūdeddvivacanapragŗhyam
which is parsed as
īT ūT eT dvivacana pragŗhyam
which has the sense of “entities ending in the long vowels
ī, ū or e in the dual number are pragŗhyam“. The last word is a technical term,
indicating that the normal rules of sound-join, sandhi, are suspended when the
first word ends in one of these long vowels. The examples given are dual forms
like
agnī atra “two fires here”
pacete iti “they (two) cook”
pacete iti “they (two) cook”
In these cases, the usual sandhi join of the final sound of the first word and
the initial sound of the latter word, is not done: it is held back, pragŗhyam.
The next sutra in this stretch is
1.1.12 adaso māt
The first word is actually adasah, if we take off the
sandhi, and it is in the sixth, or genitive (of), case (vibhakti), singular
number (indicated by 6/1). The second word is in the fifth (ablative, from)
case, singular, indicated as 5/1: the ending t of māt is part of the case
ending and not one of the nonsense terminators or iT. The phrase would mean
something like “of the word adas, from the sound m”. We have to provide the
previous sutra’s context to make it meaningful: that is, the forms of adas
which end in m followed by one of the long vowels ī, ū or e, are pragŗhyam,
i.e. they do not get modified according to the normal sandhi rules but are kept
“reserved” or pragŗhyam. (We do not apparently have to add the dvivacana specification, because the
forms coming under this sutra include plural as well as dual, as we see below).
What are these forms of adas ending in m- followed by long
vowels īT ūT eT? The word adas is the lexeme for “that”, as we may remember
from that famous saying in the Brihadāraņyaka Upanishad talking about the
Infinite (Brahman):
purnam adah, purnam idam, purnat purnam udacyate
Or, with diacritical marks,
pūrņam adah, pūrņam idam, pūrņāt pūrņam udacyate
“that is fullness, this is fullness, from fullness fullness
comes forth”
The dual forms occur as follows because the declension of
adas is very irregular:
Adas “that”, masculine:
nominative asau amū amī
accusative amum amū amūn
nominative asau amū amī
accusative amum amū amūn
“that”, neuter:
nominative adah amū amūni
accusative adah amū amūni
nominative adah amū amūni
accusative adah amū amūni
“that”, feminine:
nominative asau amū amūh
accusative amum amū amūh
nominative asau amū amūh
accusative amum amū amūh
So forms like amū and amī fall into the category of ending
in long vowels, and hence pragŗhyam. They do not get modified when followed by
another vowel as per normal sandhi rules (which would apply to words ending in
short i or u, but that is obviously covered in some other sutra in the 4000 odd
of Panini’s Ashtadhyayi or eight-cantos). The examples provided are such as the
following phrases:
amī atra, “those people (plural) are here”
amū atra “those
two people are here”.
We don’t see forms like am(i)yatra or am(u)vatra which we would
expect with sandhi involving short vowel-endings. The question arises in our
mind (as a first time reader!) why this case should not be covered by sutra
1.1.11 itself. The answer is somewhat complex, and involves operation of
different rules from other areas of the Ashtadhyayi that generate these m-
forms of adas, but which would have nullified application of 1.1.11 were it not
rescued by this specific pointing to adas forms in 1.1.12. These are somewhat
convoluted reasonings which we will not go into at this first reading.
The next sutra adds another case or context for pragŗhyam:
1.1.13 śe
This is a short one indeed! The entity is in nominative
vibhakti, singular (1/1). (The ś is the palatal flat-tongued spirant sound, not
the retroflex curled-tongue variant represented by şşş). Again, we have to
supply the relevant words from the opening sutra of this run or span, pragŗhyam,
which means, on the whole, that “the form (word) ending in a Śe is a case of
pragŗhyam, i.e. the ending will not be modified by the normal sandhi rules
given elsewhere in the Ashtadhyayi”.
This sutra is difficult to grasp at this first reading,
because the Śe referred to is a technical ending derived by the operation of
other rules in specified circumstances, and not just any sound śe. Indeed the
first letter Ś is actually a marker, an iT, which is why it has to be
capitalised. The distant sutras hinted at here specify that the Śe occurs in
the Vedas. The sutra 1.1.13 is therefore referring not to all words ending in
the sound śe, but to specific words derived by the rules governing Śe that give
us certain forms ending in long –e in Vedic, such as asme (dative and locative
of first person plural, “to us, in us”); yuşme (dative and locative of second
person plural, “to you, in you”); me (locative of first person singular, “in
me”); tve (locative of second person singular, “in thou”) in Vedic . The
examples given are
asme indrābŗhaspatī (from Ŗg Veda)
yuşme iti
me iti
tve iti
yuşme iti
me iti
tve iti
We will have to defer a deeper
and real understanding of this sutra till we have looked at those distant parts
of the treatise that generate these forms like Śe and adaso māt to grasp why
Pannini has had to provide specially for them rather than subsuming all into
one main sutra. This gives us, however, a feel of the way the sutras are inter-twined,
and that too across vast gulfs from different corners of the galaxy of the
Ashtadhyayi. Obviously, the entire work has been fashioned by a recursive
process and what we see is a certain state of perfection (but this being a
man-made thing, a Smŗti rather than a divine revelation, a Śruti, there are
still deficiencies which subsequent analysts have not failed to point out over
the centuries!).
We will look briefly at further
contexts which are classed by Panini as pragŗhyam (without necessarily getting
a full, deep comprehension), and then use this span of sutras to talk about the
traditional ways of explaining the sutras that parallel what we have been doing
in our own unsophisticated way. One thing is sure: no one can really understand
Panini without a gloss and a guide, and many such have been produced over the
ages, which we will look at shortly.
Wednesday, December 10, 2014
7. Special sound joins for long vowels in Pāņini
This post of the new series takes up from where I left
Panini two years ago, that is with sutra 1.1.11, which gives the definition of
something called pragŗhyam. This is also a nice illustration of the way Panini
stretches a text over a number of sutras to give a general rule, then some
exceptions to it, and then perhaps some special instances which counter the
exceptions! It’s like that jingle we all learn in school to remember the number
of days in a month: thirty days in September, April June and November (the
opening statement); all the rest have thirty-one (the general rule, or
exception, whichever way you wish to look at it); except February, twenty-eight
(the exception); and one day more once in four (the special condition to
moderate the exception). This jingle also demonstrates a tactic that is made
much of, that is the omission of the phrase in the preceding sutra to achieve
brevity, and which glosses provide for the convenience of the learner. Of
course, what it amounts to is that a run of text containing all the parts
described above -- the statement, its exceptions, and special cases – is actually broken up among a number of very short sutras for convenience of
remembering and understanding. There are technical terms used in Sanskrit
grammar for these elements, which will be introduced in a later post.
So coming back to our sutra,
1.1.11
īdūdeddvivacanam pragŗhyam
This sounds even more drivelish than the worst of the
previous formulae we have seen. The trouble, as I realized suddenly, is that
with our ear trained to the normal sound patterns of Indo-European, we tend to
scan this as a series of CV combinations: (Anglo) ee-doo-day- and so on,
somewhat like a rap song we all have heard and love. But we need to look at
this as a series of codes starting on a long vowel and ending on a terminator:
īd-ūd-ed, or, if we split the sandhi,
īt ūt et (Anglo eet-oot-ayt)
These represent the
long vowels, each supplied with the nonsense terminator t (or capitalized T to
show that it is a terminator symbol in our convention):
īT ūT eT
The latter part of the first ‘word’, dvivacanam, is easy, as
it actually means something: dvi, dual, vacanam, number. The m is supplied
with a diacritic not reproduced here (a small dot or comma under the character) to indicate it is a
nasal (probably) rather than a full closed sound. The first part means, on the
whole,
īT ūT eT dvivacanam
a dual (verb or noun form) ending in the long vowels ī ū or e
The second word,
pragŗhyam
is a technical term, and is translated in the books I have
seen as – pragŗhyam! I wish somebody had hazarded a guess at what this term means
in everyday language, and why Panini thought to apply this particular term,
which sounds as though it could mean something rather than being a made-up
word. From the sound of it (related to grah, hold or seize or grab), I would
like to attribute something like ‘reserved’ or ‘restrained’ to this term.
So this first sutra in the section only defines a pragŗhyam
as a dual form ending in the long vowels specified. What Panini uses this term
for, will be explored in the next sutra (and why I fancy that the term
pragŗhyam means something ‘restrained’!).
(It’s been a couple of years since I last posted: I got through my retirement in the meantime, and am now back chipping away at this large block of granite to see if there’s something awesome inside it! Thanks to the kind people who actually seem to have had some interest in this attempt of mine, unschooled though it may be, and who have refrained from blasting it to perdition. I just hope that one day we will be able to look back and wonder whether we really were that callow!)
(It’s been a couple of years since I last posted: I got through my retirement in the meantime, and am now back chipping away at this large block of granite to see if there’s something awesome inside it! Thanks to the kind people who actually seem to have had some interest in this attempt of mine, unschooled though it may be, and who have refrained from blasting it to perdition. I just hope that one day we will be able to look back and wonder whether we really were that callow!)
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