We had skipped over a couple of sutras in
taking up 1.1.49 on substitutions introduced by the sixth case (post #24 to
#26). This is as opportune a juncture as any to dispose of these, which are in
the nature of ‘prior exception’ to the locational intructions for substitution
already covered in the afore-cited posts. We start with
1.1.46 ādyantau ţakitau
Ādi antau, ādyantau (1/2) ţakitau (1/2)
Both are in nominative case, dual number.
The first word means ‘first and last’, ‘beginning and end’; the second term refers to two types of
entities (affixes, for instance) marked by the letters Ţ and K respectively (these markers are supplied by the grammarian when giving labels to the respective affixes; they are not something natural or intrinsic to the language!).
The sutra lays down that affixes marked with Ţ will attach to the start of the
substituendum or sthānin (1.1.49 şaşţhī sthāneyogā, see post #24), and those
marked by K will attach to the end. This sutra overrides any subsequent ones,
such as 1.1.52 alo’ ntyasya, which fix the location of the substitute at the
end of the original. This sutra 1.1.46 (as also #47, #48) is termed a prior exception to 1.1.49, which is why
it is given before the latter.
The paraphrase, vŗtti, is:
Ādis
Ţid bhavati (the initial is marked by Ţ,
i.e. is a Ţit), antah Kid bhavati (the final is marked by K, i.e. is a Kit), şaşţhī nirdişţasya (of
that specified in the genitive, sixth, case). We recall that iT is the technical term for generic
marker terms.
“Elements marked with Ţ or K become the
initial and final segments respectively
of items in the genitive to which they
are introduced” (Sharma, Vol.II, p.45).
“ Of whatsoever the augments enunciated are
distinguished by an indicatory Ţ or K, they precede or follow it accordingly”
(Vasu, p.35) (a somewhat clumsy expression?).
The point to note is that this does not
prescribe substitution of the original like 1.1.49 onwards, but an addition to it, either at the start or
the end, respectively. Such elements are termed vikaraņa, augments, rather than
ādeśa, substitutes (substituents) (Sharma, p.46). The elements are prescribed
in other rules, naturally.
Examples given in Vasu (p.35) are easier to
follow, since he gives the relevant sutra number, although the same examples
are also cited in Sharma (p.46). One is sutra 7.2.35, which says that an
‘ārdhadhātuka’ affix starting with any consonant other than y (valādi, which
leaves out h and y in the pratyahara haL of consonants) will take
an iŢ augment. The Ţ marker shows that
–i- should be placed at the beginning of the affix. One such ‘ārdhadhātuka’ affix is the future
tense suffix syati, which has to take the –i- augment at the beginning,
bhū+iŢ+syati= bhavişyati (Vasu, p.35; obviously other rules determine change of
–ū- to -av-, -s- to –ş- etc. Another example cited by Sharma (p.46) is kaņ +tās, where tās is an ‘ārdhadhātuka’ suffix and will
take the iŢ augment at the start, kaņ
An
example of an iK augment at the end of an affix (Vasu, p.35) is following sutra
7.3.40, whereby the root bhī (fear) takes the şUK suffix to make the causative
(to cause to fear); being marked by K, ş is added at the end of bhī, rather
than replacing bhī, giving bhīş-, and the form bhīşayate by further rules.
1.1.47 midaco’ntyātparah
mit (1/1) acah (6/1) antyāt (5/1) parah
(1/1)
This is also a prior exception to şaşţhī
sthāneyogā, which would have required substitution in its entirety of the word
in şaşţhī (sixth case, genitive). This rule states that if the substituting
(actually the augmenting) element is marked with M (mIT), it comes in after
(parah) the end (antyāt) of the vowels (acah).
The paraphrase, vŗtti, is:
Acām sannivişţānām (of the marked vowels) antyād
(antyāt) acah paro (parah) (after the end, last vowel) mid (miT) (the augment
that has an indicatory M) bhavati (is, comes)
“Given an operational rule which introduces
unit Y to unit X, Y should be introduced after the last vowel of X if Y is
marked with M” (Sharma, Vol.II, p.46).
“The augment that has an indicatory M comes
after the last among the vowels, and becomes the final position of that which it
augments” (Vasu, p.35).
Examples will elucidate. Take the augment
nUM, where the actual letter to be added would be –n-, the -UM being markers or
iT. Thus the derivation of the plural of payas ‘milk’ is, by 7.1.42,
payas+nUM+I, where only the n is added to the last of the vowels of payas,
which gives paya+n+s+I; the a is lengthened as per other rules (6.4.8), giving
payānsi. Sharma gives many other examples.
1.1.48 eca ig hrasvādeśe
ecah (6/1) ik (1/1) hrasva ādeśe (7/1)
Vŗtti:
eco (In place of eC vowels: e, o, ai, au)
hrasvādeśe (in the case of substitution
by short vowels), kartavya (to be done) ig (ik) (iK vowels i, u, ŗ, ļ) eva (only) hrasvo
(hrasvah) bhavati (are the short vowels) na anyah (not any other).
“If a short vowel is to replace an eC (e,
o, ai, au; and a substitute is not
specified), iK (i, u, ŗ, ļ) alone is to be understood as a replacement”
(Sharma, Vol.II, p.48).
This talks about the substitution of short
vowels for e, o, ai, au, which do not have homologous short versions (Dravidian
languages do have short e and short O, for instance). The default substitutes
are the iK vowels, i and u, but not really extending to ŗ, ļ as they are far
from homologous (the rule 1.1.50 sthāne’ntartamah). It is clear that i is
closest to e, and u to o, and these will be the logical replacements for those
two long vowels. In the case of ai and
au, ruling out the choice of ŗ and ļ, and also ruling out a (not part of the iK
set), the most similar pairs are i for ai, u for au. Thus there are only two
logical substitutes i and u, for the four eC sounds (e, o, ai, au). The
corresponding pratyāhāra (see relevant Page!) for I and u alone is iŅ, but
Sharma guesses that the grammarian did not use this as there is another
boundary marker Ņ further down the Shiva-sutras (the sixth, laŅ), which may
cause confusion. Of course, that raises the question why the Shiva-sutras use
certain boundary markers more than once.
Example:
Vasu gives a simple example following from
rule 1.2.47, which declares that “the short vowel is the substitute in the
neuter of a crude form provided it end in a vowel” (Vasu, p.36). In the
compound ati+rai, the ai must be shortened. The equivalent short being I, we
get ati+rai= atiri ‘extravagant’ (Sharma has ‘he who has excelled riches’).
Similarly ati+nau= atinu, ‘disembarked or landed’ (Sharma: ‘he who has excelled
boating’); upa+go= upagu (‘near a cow’). Avyayībhāva compounds, which are all
neuter, will have this replacement.
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